“There was an incident on the New York subway and a bunch of people got on, protesters or whatever, and said, ‘All the Zionists, get off.’ When the head of the Brooklyn Museum, who was Jewish, but the Brooklyn Museum had nothing to do with Israel or taking positions on Israel — her house is smeared in red paint. That’s antisemitism. And a lot of the slogans that people use either are or slide into antisemitism.”

“The one that bothers me the most is genocide,” Schumer added. “Genocide is described as a country or some group tries to wipe out a whole race of people, a whole nationality of people. So if Israel was not provoked and just invaded Gaza and shot at random Palestinians, Gazans, that would be genocide. That’s not what happened. In fact, the opposite happened. And Hamas is much closer to genocidal than Israel.

Schumer also sharply criticized the UN for using the term “genocide” when describing the war in Gaza. “The U.N. has been anti-Israel, antisemitically against Israel. [Daniel Patrick] Moynihan was my idol. He became famous when in 1976 [it was 1975] they tried to pass a resolution, Zionism is racism.

  • 【J】【u】【s】【t】【Z】@lemmy.world
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    15 hours ago

    Wrong. Not a Zionist, which is idiotic.

    You post the same fundraising links with zero aside from “reports.” I’m not convinced by evidence that’s falls apart under basic scrutiny. Also, things that make decent people angry aren’t automatically war crimes; the mere fact that civilians die in a warzone does not equate to war crimes.

    And, you can’t refute the hard facts:

    If Israel wanted to could it obliterate all of Gaza and kill every person in it within a matter of hours or days? Yes.

    Has Israel done that? No.

    Has Israel killed an obviously excessive number of civilians? Yes.

    Are there potentially valid moral and legal explanations for such excess civilian casualties? Yes. Hamas uses mass human shields as a primary strategy of defense and offense; and civilian casualties that occur incidentally to valid military actions–weighed against the larger, conflict- long war against actual terrorists–are not unlawful.

    Despite the explanations, is there nonetheless an obscene number of civilians casualties or clear operational intent? No. Again, 99/100 people in Gaza remain alive, and certainly you must agree that tends to suggest there isn’t some rampant genocide as you describe; there are no roving death squads point-blank murdering woman and children, no helicopter gunships firing indicrininatly¹ on crowds of refugees without even a pretext of legit military advantage, such as in Rwanda or Darfur.

    Finally, if Hamas surrenders, the war ends. How is that genocidal?


    1. Indiscriminate here means actually indiscriminate, not how you use it to describe every targeted attack against Hamas members that results in damage or causality to any adjacent structure or person. It means actually indiscriminate, like how Hamas attacks civilians day in day out, with thousands of unguided rockets per week for years on end.
    • Tw4tnoM0r3@lemmy.cafe
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      54 minutes ago

      “It’s not genocide because they didn’t kill enough people”.

      Yeah there’s a rope with your name on it waiting in nuremberg

    • the_three_tomatoes@lemmy.world
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      9 hours ago

      “Finally, if the Jews had just left Europe, the holocaust ends. How is that a genocide?”

      Sounds kinda stupid now, doesn’t it?

    • the_three_tomatoes@lemmy.world
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      9 hours ago

      I think you do sound like a Zionist… a few hundred casualties within a few days and everyone is sick and all hospitals are destroyed. Sounds like a genocide attempt to me.

    • Keeponstalin@lemmy.world
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      15 hours ago

      Thanks for proving my point

      De-development via the Gaza Occupation

      Between July 1971 and February 1972, Sharon enjoyed considerable success. During this time, the entire Strip (apart from the Rafah area) was sealed off by a ring of security fences 53 miles in length, with few entrypoints. Today, their effects live on: there are only three points of entry to Gaza—Erez, Nahal Oz, and Rafah.

      Perhaps the most dramatic and painful aspect of Sharon’s campaign was the widening of roads in the refugee camps to facilitate military access. Israel built nearly 200 miles of security roads and destroyed thousands of refugee dwellings as part of the widening process.’ In August 1971, for example, the Israeli army destroyed 7,729 rooms (approximately 2,000 houses) in three vola- tile camps, displacing 15,855 refugees: 7,217 from Jabalya, 4,836 from Shati, and 3,802 from Rafah.

      • Page 105

      Through 1993 Israel imposed a one-way system of tariffs and duties on the importation of goods through its borders; leaving Israel for Gaza, however, no tariffs or other regulations applied. Thus, for Israeli exports to Gaza, the Strip was treated as part of Israel; but for Gazan exports to Israel, the Strip was treated as a foreign entity subject to various “non-tariff barriers.” This placed Israel at a distinct advantage for trading and limited Gaza’s access to Israeli and foreign markets. Gazans had no recourse against such policies, being totally unable to protect themselves with tariffs or exchange rate controls. Thus, they had to pay more for highly protected Israeli products than they would if they had some control over their own economy. Such policies deprived the occupied territories of significant customs revenue, estimated at $118-$176 million in 1986.

      • page 240

      In a report released in May 2015, the World Bank revealed that as a result of Israel’s blockade and OPE, Gaza’s manufacturing sector shrank by as much as 60% over eight years while real per capita income is 31 percent lower than it was 20 years ago. The report also stated that the blockade alone is responsible for a 50% decrease in Gaza’s GDP since 2007. Furthermore, OPE (combined with the tunnel closure) exacerbated an already grave situation by reducing Gaza’s economy by an additional $460 million.

      • Page 402

      • The Gaza Strip: The Political Economy of De-Development - Third Edition by Sara M. Roy

      Blockade, including Aid

      Hamas began twenty years into the occupation during the first Intifada, with the goal of ending the occupation. Collective punishment has been a deliberate Israeli tactic for decades with the Dahiya doctrine. Violence such as suicide bombings and rockets escalated in response to Israeli enforcement of the occupation and apartheid.

      After the ‘disengagement’ in 2007, this turned into a full blockade; where Israel has had control over the airspace, borders, and sea. Under the guise of ‘dual-use’ Israel has restricted food, allocating a minimum supply leading to over half of Gaza being food insecure; construction materials, medical supplies, and other basic necessities have also been restricted.

      The blockade and Israel’s repeated military offensives have had a heavy toll on Gaza’s essential infrastructure and further debilitated its health system and economy, leaving the area in a state of perpetual humanitarian crisis. Indeed, Israel’s collective punishment of Gaza’s civilian population, the majority of whom are children, has created conditions inimical to human life due to shortages of housing, potable water and electricity, and lack of access to essential medicines and medical care, food, educational equipment and building materials.

      Peace Process and Solution

      Hamas proposed a full prisoner swap as early as Oct 8th, and agreed to the US proposed UN Permanent Ceasefire Resolution. Additionally, Hamas has already agreed to no longer govern the Gaza Strip, as long as Palestinians receive liberation and a unified government can take place.

      Both Hamas and Fatah have agreed to a Two-State solution based on the 1967 borders for decades. Oslo and Camp David were used by Israel to continue settlements in the West Bank and maintain an Apartheid, while preventing any actual Two-State solution

      How Avi Shlaim moved from two-state solution to one-state solution

      ‘One state is a game changer’: A conversation with Ilan Pappe

      One State Solution, Foreign Affairs

      Human Shields

      Hamas:

      Intentionally utilizing the presence of civilians or other protected persons to render certain areas immune from military attack is prohibited under international law. Amnesty International was not able to establish whether or not the fighters’ presence in the camps was intended to shield themselves from military attacks. However, under international humanitarian law, even if one party uses “human shields”, or is otherwise unlawfully endangering civilians, this does not absolve the opposing party from complying with its obligations to distinguish between military objectives and civilians or civilian objects, to refrain from carrying out indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks, and to take all feasible precautions to spare civilians and civilian objects.

      Israel:

      Additionally, there is extensive independent verification of Israel using Palestinians as Human Shields:

      Deliberate Attacks on Civilians

      Israel deliberately targets civilian areas. From in general with the Dahiya Doctrine to multiple systems deployed in Gaza to do so:

      Israel also targets Israeli Soldiers and Civilians to prevent them being leveraged as hostages, known as the Hannibal Directive. Which was also used on Oct 7th.

        • the_three_tomatoes@lemmy.world
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          9 hours ago

          Okay but think about it… they may just have well written texts that they readily share. It doesn’t really comment on the quality of the evidence if someone copy paste it a lot. Isn’t it better to read any new text and assess its credibility yourself instead of pre-discarding it by judging the person?